The whistleblowers behind the Philippines’ biggest corruption scandals

Whistleblowers in the Philippines play a crucial role in exposing government corruption.

Their actions often place them at the center of scandals bringing murky government dealings to the public eye.

One of the current whistleblowers making waves is former Department of Education undersecretary Gloria Mercado. She’s calling out alleged corruption in the education sector, which was once overseen by Vice President Sara Duterte.

Rappler looks back at some of the most prominent whistleblowers in recent history — what roles they played in exposing corruption and what revealing the truth brought to them.

Based on the Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act, corruption is defined as the unlawful act of public officers persuading or influencing others to violate rules and regulations or engaging in misconduct related to their official duties for personal gain. This includes receiving gifts or benefits in connection with government contracts, transactions, or the granting of permits and licenses, ultimately causing undue injury to any party or providing unwarranted advantages.

Joseph Ocol in Clark Expo

Joseph Ocol exposed the irregularities he uncovered in the 1998 Philippine Centennial Expo project in Clark, where he served as head executive assistant to former Clark Development Corporation president and CEO Romeo David.

In 1999, he went public through a report published by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, naming key figures involved. The report exposed how contractors for the Centennial project were allegedly pressured to make significant donations to the campaign of Lakas presidential candidates at the time — Jose de Venecia Jr. and former defense chief Renato de Villa.

Ocol’s revelations led to a Senate blue ribbon committee investigation, and he was placed under the Witness Protection Program by then-Senator Aquilino Pimentel Jr.

After the political turmoil, Ocol relocated to Chicago, where he pursued a career as a math teacher and chess coach.

Chavit Singson and Estrada’s jueteng

Chavit Singson has been dubbed the “whistleblower of whistleblowers, the local boss who brought down a president of the Philippine Republic.”

In 2000, Singson accused then-president Joseph Estrada, his compadre, of being “The Lord of All Jueteng Lords.” Singson allegedly used to collect money for the then-president. Singson was compelled to speak out supposedly due to threats against his life.

Singson’s testimony ignited Estrada’s impeachment trial, where he emerged as a key witness in both the impeachment and subsequent court proceedings. 

Despite the controversies, Singson’s political dynasty continues to dominate Ilocos Sur, and he recently announced his intent to run in the 2025 senatorial elections.

Ador Mawanay, PAOCTF, and Ping Lacson

While whistleblowers play a crucial role in uncovering and addressing corruption, some have turned out to be a dud — case in point: Ador Mawanay. 

During the Arroyo administration, Mawanay claimed that Panfilo Lacson, who was then a senator, had millions of dollars hidden in foreign bank accounts, allegedly due to his involvement in criminal activities during his time as head of the Philippine National Police.

A former member of the now defunct-Presidential Anti-Organized Crime Task Force, Mawanay also claimed that Lacson was the person behind the killing of Salvador “Bubby” Dacer and his driver Emmanuel Corbito.

These serious allegations gained traction, particularly as Lacson, a member of the opposition, was preparing to run for president in the 2004 elections. 

Mawanay, later on, retracted his earlier statements and apologized to Lacson on live television. In 2020, Mawanay was arrested on charges of estafa in Pasig City.

Jun Lozada and the NBN-ZTE deal

The P17-billion National Broadband Network (NBN) deal with Chinese telecommunications giant ZTE erupted into a major corruption scandal in 2007 under the Arroyo administration.

Rodolfo “Jun” Lozada was a key figure who spilled the beans on this issue. 

During Senate hearings, he revealed that former president Arroyo’s husband, Jose Miguel “Mike” Arroyo, along with former Commission on Elections chair Benjamin S. Abalos and other Cabinet officials, were accepting bribes from Chinese representatives involved in the NBN-ZTE deal aimed at digitizing the bureaucracy.

In 2007, Lozada served as a technical consultant to former socioeconomic planning secretary Romulo Neri on the Philippine national broadband project.

While Arroyo, Abalos, and other high-ranking officials implicated by Lozada were acquitted by the Sandiganbayan, Lozada and his brother Orlando were convicted of graft. Their conviction stemmed from Lozada leasing public land to his brother and a private firm linked to him under a Philippine Forest program while he was president and CEO of a government-run corporation.

In 2022, the Lozada brothers surrendered to the National Bureau of Investigation after the Supreme Court affirmed the Sandiganbayan ruling. They are facing a jail sentence of six to 10 years. 

Acsa Ramirez and the tax scam

Acsa Ramirez was a humble assistant cashier at the Land Bank in Binangonan, Rizal when she gained public attention after uncovering a scheme that funneled P432 million in tax payments from seven companies into four unauthorized accounts.

She promptly reported this to Land Bank officials, who conducted an internal investigation and identified branch manager Artemio San Juan as a key player in the scam.

In a surprising twist, during a press conference, then-NBI director Reynaldo Wycoco and then-president Gloria Arroyo shockingly presented Ramirez as a suspect in the case.

She was vindicated when the Office of the Ombudsman dismissed all charges against her. Arroyo later apologized to Ramirez “for the inconvenience we have caused you.”

George Rabusa and the military’s ‘pabaon’

Former Lieutenant Colonel George Rabusa revealed the corrupt pabaon system (send-off money) for senior military officers during the Arroyo adminstration. Rabusa served as budget chief of the Office of the Armed Forces’ Deputy Chief of Staff for Comptrollership from November 1999 until 2002. 

Rabusa’s revelations implicated several high-ranking military officers, including retired major general Carlos Garcia. 

Plunder and graft charges were also filed against Rabusa, but then-ombudsman Conchita Carpio Morales dismissed these charges citing his immunity under the Witness Protection Program.

Benhur Luy and the pork barrel scam

Remember the infamous pork barrel scam that implicated several lawmakers such as senators Bong Revilla, Jinggoy Estrada, and Juan Ponce Enrile?

Under this scheme, politicians misused public funds, known as the Priority Development Assistance Fund, by diverting them to fake non-government organizations for personal gain.

The star witness in this case was Benhur Luy, the self-confessed bagman of the scam and a second cousin of businesswoman Janet Lim-Napoles, the mastermind behind the operation. Luy also served as Napoles’ personal assistant.

Aside from Lim, other whistleblowers Gertudes Luy, Merlina Suñas, Marina Sula, Arlene Baltazar, and Simonette Briones also exposed this massive corruption. 

In October 2023, the anti-graft court sentenced Napoles to 103 years, 6 months, 24 days’ imprisonment. She was also ordered to pay a total of P241.82 million for all the cases.

Rhodora Alvarez and the Air Force combat chopper

Bureau of Internal Revenue employee Rhodora Alvarez has leveled serious accusations against the Department of National Defense, alleging that it tailored the P1.2-billion helicopter contract specifically for the US-based company, Rice Aircraft Services Incorporated.

This contract was intended for the purchase of 21 UH-1D, or Huey, helicopters, along with spare parts, as part of the Armed Forces of the Philippines’ modernization program.

During a Senate hearing, Alvarez claimed that former defense secretary Voltaire Gazmin was supposed to receive a 7% kickback, which would amount to approximately P84 million. Meanwhile, former Defense Undersecretary for Finance Fernando Manalo was expected to supposedly obtain 5% of the total project cost to cover his and his associates’ commissions. Both Gazmin and Manalo denied these allegations.

The American helicopter supplier also alleged that Alvarez herself requested a 15% commission from the contract.

In 2016, Alvarez filed a plunder case against Gazmin and several other officials. Alvarez is under the Witness Protection Program of the Department of Justice.

Ernesto Mercado and Makati corruption 

The revelation about the corruption in Binay’s fiefdom, Makati City, can largely be credited to its former Vice Mayor, Ernesto Mercado.

Mercado, one of then-mayor Jejomar Binay’s former allies, revealed that the Binay patriarch received kickbacks from city projects, including the allegedly overpriced Makati City Building 2.

He disclosed that Binay supposedly owns at least six condominium units in Makati City, allegedly given to him to expedite the processing of building requirements from City Hall.

During the 2023 barangay elections, Mercado ran as chairman of Barangay Pembo, one of the disputed barangays that used to be part of Makati. He was reportedly backed by the Cayetanos of Taguig. Mercado lost to a Binay-allied candidate.

Mark Taguba and the shabu mess

In 2017, customs broker Mark Ruben Taguba exposed the alleged corrupt customs officials linked to smuggling of P6.4 billion worth of illegal drugs from China. This was revealed during the panel probe conducted by both chambers of Congress. 

Despite being a whistleblower, Taguba along with three others, ended up in prison as a Manila court found them guilty of violating three counts of Republic Act No. 10863 or the Customs Modernization and Tariff Act. 

Alex Chiong, Jeffrey Dale Igancio, and the ‘pastillas’ scam

Immigration officers Alex Chiong and Jeffrey Dale Ignacio revealed how Bureau of Immigration officials facilitated the illegal entry of Chinese workers destined for Philippine offshore gaming operator hubs.

This scheme became known as the “pastillas scam” because the bribes were given to immigration officials in small bundles wrapped in white paper, resembling “pastillas,” a type of sugary confection.

Their testimony before the Senate panel investigation triggered the dismissal of over 40 immigration officials, following an order from the Office of the Ombudsman. 

Aside from Chiong, another immigration officer, also became a witness and attested to Chiong’s statements.  

Chiong and Ignacio are also under the justice department’s Witness Protection Program.

Krizle Mago and the Pharmally scandal

During the pandemic, the country wasn’t just battling the COVID-19 virus — it was also grappling with corruption. Krizle Mago, an executive of Pharmally Pharmaceutical Corporation, brought this to light.

Pharmally is the small company that won contracts worth P8.7 billion to supply personal protective equipment, test kits, and other pandemic-related items.

Mago revealed that she had been instructed to order warehouse staff to alter expiry dates on medical-grade face shields. However, she later recanted this testimony during a Senate hearing, claiming she had been pressured into making it.

Arturo Lascañas, Edgar Matobato, and the Davao Death Squad

Not all corruption revolves around government contracts favoring business firms in exchange for money. Some forms of corruption involve more insidious acts, including murder and the abuse of power.

Arturo Lascañas and Edgar Matobato played a pivotal role in revealing the human rights violations linked to Rodrigo Duterte during his time as vice mayor and mayor of Davao City.

“Kill, kill, kill.” This was the marching directive of Duterte, according to Lascañas, a self-confessed hitman and former member of the Davao Death Squad (DDS).

Another whistleblower, Matobato, also a former DDS member, alleged that Duterte was behind the group and tasked them with executing suspects and criminals.

The group, according to Lascañas, first got paid P10,000 per killing, which later increased to P15,000 to P20,000. In some “special project killings,” Lascañas said in his October 2020 affidavit, the group got as much as P300,000 to even millions of pesos, depending on “the status of the target, social standing, and Duterte’s intensity of anger on the target individual.” 

The International Criminal Court (ICC) is currently investigating the bloody drug war both in Davao and during Duterte’s presidency. Lascañas is known to have been granted limited immunity by the ICC.

In February 2024, after years in hiding, Lascañas resurfaced and gave a media interview amid the fallout between President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and Vice President Sara Duterte, Rodrigo’s daughter.

Whistleblowers Protection Bill stalled

While the Philippines has a Witness Protection Program under Republic Act 6981 that shields individuals testifying in criminal cases under the Revised Penal Code, whistleblowers — those who expose wrongdoing, corruption, or abuses within an organization — remain largely unprotected.

They face significant risks, including retaliation in the workplace, threats to their safety, and even physical harm. 

Currently, the country’s primary anti-corruption law, the Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act, lacks specific provisions to protect whistleblowers, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime.

Although lawmakers have consistently pushed for a Whistleblower Protection Bill across several Congresses, legislation remains stalled. 

This proposed law aims to provide whistleblowers with added protections, including immunity from prosecution and benefits, such as confidentiality and safety, complementing Republic Act 6981 or Witness Protection, Security, and Benefit Act.

Previous presidents such as the late Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III and Rodrigo Duterte even declared this measure a priority. Despite this, the proposed legislation still languished in the legislative mill.

In the absence of a Whistleblower Protection Act, the Office of the Ombudsman has issued Office Order No. 05-18, which outlines rules on internal whistleblowing. 

This order provides limited protections, such as preventing workplace retaliation like punitive transfers, poor performance reviews, or denial of promotions. Additionally, it mandates the confidentiality of the whistleblower’s identity, barring any disclosure — unless essential to legal proceedings.

However, these rules only apply to whistleblowers within the Ombudsman’s purview, leaving many outside this framework vulnerable. – Rappler.com